There's a new world somewhere: The rediscovery of trade unionism Capital & Class, Autumn 2005 by Stirling, John

There's a new world somewhere: The rediscovery of trade unionism Capital & Class, Autumn 2005 by Stirling, John


two repsonse to union decline, firstly workplace neglect and then the idea of mobilisation and "union renewal"

Also puts the decline in trade unions down to changes in employment; management's human resource strategies; a hostile government; and the growth of 'individualism'.

Changes in employment:

"a labour market in which trade union membership was strong was replaced with one in which it was traditionally weak" p3

HR departments used to replace trade union organisations

"a cultural shift away from collectivism and towards consumerist individualism that was reflected in the workplace (Bacon & Storey, 1993" characterised by individual bonuses etc replacing the typical fordist arrangement of rates of pay and collective bargainging



"this first-stage response of the trade unions might be described as passive, reactive and accommodating to employers, with workplace organisation left to fend for itself" p4

excellent figures on the decline of british trade unionism contained here argues shopfloor organisatons are resilent

"the argument that women or young people 'just didn't join' unions was challenged by data suggesting that the issue was more one of lack of opportunity than of predisposition (Disney et al., 1998)." p5

a factor critical in the new unionism is this "here was strong evidence that 'local union organisation underpins recruitment' (Waddington & Whitson, 1997: 15), and that new members join for collective reasons related to support when facing problems at work (ibid.), rather than for cheap holidays or insurance, which were better provided on the High Street or on the internet." p 5

negativity of a service union culture emphaisise on others precludes self actiity, reliance on oficers - leads to blame culture among members, and then officers blame members for apathy.

Heery, 19983, and the recent range of examples in the collections from Gall, 2003; Gospel & Wood, 2003; and Kelly & Willman, 2004 all detail new union campaigns.

n organising culture is more likely to lead to permanent change or, as Heery et al. succinctly put it, 'It's not a recruitment drive ... it's the rest of your life' (1998).

3 models of union renewal
organising for abanndoning, organising for consuming and organising for action...

there are two types of trade unionist passive voters and activiststts which are the subject of my interviews?

"Effectively, the partnership agreement becomes the property of the senior managers and workplace representatives, or the full-time union officials who negotiated it, and the workforce as a whole may even be unaware of its existence (McBride & Stirling, 2002)."

"a partnership agreement that increasingly identifies the union with management and which offers no support to independent union action does little to encourage new membership, and may well promote cynicism in the existing membership (Wray, 2001)." p13



http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3780/is_200510/ai_n15716271/pg_5

Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of a Precarious Employment Relationship Capital & Class, Autumn 2001 by Schenk, Chris

Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of a Precarious Employment Relationship Capital & Class, Autumn 2001 by Schenk, Chris

review of Leah Vosko Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of a Precarious Employment Relationship University of Toronto Press, 2000.

"First, that standard employment-the former, masculine norm of full-time, permanent jobs-is giving way to non-standard employment, including temporary, part-time, contract or casual work. Such work is characterised, says the author, by the absence of stability and security, and is most often associated with what was formerly considered `women's work'hence, the term `feminized employment relationship'."

The author's second point is that: `More than perhaps any other category of workers, temporary help workers have the appearance of being listed, bought, sold, and traded in the labour market' like commodities. In its founding charter, the International Labour Organisation stated that labour is not a commodity, but that is not true, according to Vosko. Not only is labour a commodity under capitalism, but a `decline of security and freedom in the wage relation', as experienced by temporary help workers `accentuates its commodity status'.

Brave New World of Work, The Capital & Class, Autumn 2001 by Heartfield, James

Brave New World of Work, The Capital & Class, Autumn 2001 by Heartfield, James


"In the ironically titled Brave New World of Work, the worker is conceived not as collective subject, but as individuated victim. The `Job for life' is gone, Beck insists, and what the worker can look forward to is the Brazilianisation (he means deregulation and fragmentation) of work"

reviewer points out "Even at the height of the industrial revolution, more people worked in domestic service in Britain than manufacturing."

CAPITAL AND CLASS ONLINE ARCHIVE

The capital and class online archive can be found at http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3780 for free!

‘The Liberation of Time from Work’ PETER WATERMAN

From ‘Decent Work’ to
‘The Liberation of Time from Work’
Reflections on Work, Emancipation, Utopia and
the Global Justice and Solidarity Movement
Peter Waterman

http://info.interactivist.net/article.pl?sid=05/03/24/

"Utopian ideas have always been central to or lain beneath emancipatory movements, particular labour and socialist ones in their emancipatory moments (Beilharz 1992, Bayerlein 1999)."

Instead of the conservative motto, 'A fair day's wage for a fair day's work,' we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, 'Abolition of the wage system.' It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organised, not only for everyday struggle with the capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organising industrially we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell of the old.
(Preamble to the Constitution of the Industrial Workers of the World,
USA, 1905)

social movements carry an emancipatory agenda? the spread of prefigurative politics emphasises this...

SO A CHAPTER ON THE SIMILARITIES BETWEEN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND EARLY TRADE UNIONS??

A common oppositon to privatised public space and leisure time as consumption

"What 'decent work' looks like, in a brochure of the World Confederation of Labour that I found at WSF 2002, is the kind of job that workers in industrialised capitalist countries had – or were convinced by society that they had – before neo-liberal globalisation. 'Decent work' has apparently to do with 'rights' and 'dignity' and being 'free from exploitation'. It allows a worker to be an actor in an economy 'at the service of mankind' ('mankind' evidently here embraces womankind). This, it seems to me, is a Social-Christian doctrine that takes us back less to the 20th than to the late-19th century and the Papal Encyclical on human labour. (Waterman
2002)."



‘New Social Movements,’ NGOs: New Forms of Representation of ‘Labour’ on a
Worldwide Scale?
Peter Newell (Brighton), ‘Managing Multinationals: Lessons from the Environmental
Movement.’

"Liberation from work is the strategy of André Gorz. Gorz has produced a challenging
critique of the ideology of work that dominates the international trade-union
movement as much as it does the capitalist (or statist) media. This ideology holds that
1) the more each works, the better off all will be; 2) that those who do little or no
work are acting against the interests of the community; 3) that those who work hard
achieve success and those who don't have only themselves to blame. He points out
that today the connection between more and better has been broken and that the
problem now is one of producing differently, producing other things, working less.
Gorz distinguishes between work for economic ends (the definition of work under
capitalism/statism), domestic labour, work for ‘oneself’ (primarily the additional task
of women – for whom ‘self’ customarily means ‘the family’), and autonomous
activity (artistic, relational, educational, mutual-aid, etc)."

"The invention of new concepts – the ‘precariat’,
‘flexploitation’, ‘flexicurity’, ‘Neuropa’ – is a condition for social transformation
insofar as they oblige us to re-think both old practices and old modes of thinking.
Furthermore, intimate connections are here suggested between this new working class
and the old one, between old strategies and new."

problem of assigning the vanguard role to this section of the class as socialists have done..



"Another caveat might be raised in relation to precarious workers at the capitalist
periphery. Precarity here is nothing new, nor a minority phenomenon. On the contrary, it
is both old and general. Thus, Gandhi and Shah (2002), considering women ‘contingent
workers’ in Mumbai, India, seem to see no particular hope of these acting effectively on
the basis of their precarity. Rather do these feminist and activist authors see the best hope
of these women in terms of income security, incorporation into regular waged work,
woman-friendly unions, and state welfare legislation. Perhaps, in the light of the new
theories and strategies related to precarity, the authors, and their subjects, might come to
think differently, but this must remain speculation."


Barchiesi, Franco. 2004. ‘Social Citizenship, the Decline of Waged Labour and Changing Worker Strategies’. http://spip.red.m2014.net/article.php3?id_article= 30 [m2014.net]

Euro Mayday. 2004. ‘MAYDAY, MAYDAY!! Why precari@s, intermittents, cognitari/e are rebelling across NEUROPA...’, http://www.euromayday.org/lang_eng.html [euromayday.org]

Huws, Ursula. 2000. ‘The Making of a Cybertariat? Virtual Work in a Real World’, in Leo Panitch and Colin Leys (eds), Socialist Register 2001: Working Classes: Global Realities. London: Merlin, New York: Monthly Review. Pp. 1-24

Hyman, Richard. 1999. ‘Imagined Solidarities: Can Trade Unions Resist Globalisation?’, in Peter Leisink (ed), Globalisation and Labour Relations. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. Pp. 94-115.
Hyman, Richard. 2005. 'Marxist Thought and the Analysis of Work' in Paul Edwards, Marek Korcynski and Randy Hodson, eds, Social Theory at Work, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Waterman, Peter. 1988. ‘Needed: A New Communications Model for a New Working-Class Internationalism’, in Southall, Roger (ed), Trade Unions and the New Industrialisation of the Third World. London: Zed: pp. 351 378

Waterman, Peter. 2002. ‘The Still Unconsummated Marriage Of International Unionism and The Global Justice Movement: A Labour Report On The World Social Forum, Porto Alegre, January 31-February 5, 2002. http://groups/yahoo.com/groups/GloSoDia [groups], http://www.commoner.org.uk/01-5groundzero.htm [commoner.org.uk]


P. Waterman: Emancipating Labor Internationalism (from the C20th working class, unions and socialism)

P. Waterman: The Agony of Union Internationalism 2001

Labor History

LABOR HISTORY SYMPOSIUM
‘Labour and New Social Movements
in a Globalising World System’:
The Future of the Past
Peter Waterman
Labor History
Vol. 46, No. 2, May 2005, pp. 195–207


modernity as a failed project of the labour movement - labour as a failed project of modernity

new social movements see modernity in a globalised form as a problem? social justice movement ddecentres role of labour movement as liberation is a multifaceted task

"between a political-economic approach
to labour, as a creature of industrialisation and the nation-state (system), and
a multi-determined and even multi-directional approach, both focused on and
drawing from the ‘newest social movements.’" p197

formalised and existent organisation of classes and the novel and imminent organisation of social movements

labour studies as fixated on the national

"The ICFTU was here appealing to, and revealing dependence on, states and inter-state
organisations (elsewhere including the WTO), in the hope that they might reform
themselves. The ICFTU speaks here as a body present within or on the periphery of the
WTO. The mode of expression is diplomatic, since the ICFTU/Global Unions are
apparently still trying to ‘get a table at the WTO restaurant,’16 or at least to fill a
‘social vacuum.’ What the ICFTU has to say on this website could also have been said
by any liberal academic, at least of the pre-neo kind. While a finer or comparative
analysis might indicate movement within the international trade union movement,
in directions suggested by the GJ&SM, the apparent absence of unions from the
protest activities at Cancu´ n suggests a greater distance from the new movements
than might have been suggested by increasing union presence at the World Social
Forums.
Now for the Zapatistas:
Throughout the world, two projects of globalisation are in dispute: The one from above
that globalises conformity, cynicism, stupidity, war, destruction, death, and amnesia.
And the one from below, that globalises rebellion, hope, creativity, intelligence,
imagination, life, memory, building a world where many worlds fit. A world of
Democracy! Liberty! Justice!17
Here Sub-Comandante Marcos is addressing and appealing to the protest movement
taking place in Cancu´ n (neither ‘protest’ nor ‘demonstration’ finds mention on the
dozens of ICFTU/Global Unions webpages). The mode of expression is obviously
rhetorical. But this rhetoric does not simply remind us of the earlier, emancipatory,
phase of the international labour movement. It includes radically modern values and
aspirations. Although his is a polarising language, which would implicitly condemn,
or at least criticise, the ICFTU for its dependence on ‘globalisation from above,’ the
values and aspirations expressed actually cut across any such binary opposition,
appealing to traditional modernist/labourist values as well as to hypothetically
post-capitalist ones." p199


"We have to surpass the narrow understanding of ‘working class,’ either
by expanding it to all the kinds of ‘atypical’ labourers, or by using some such
term as ‘working people.’ In either case we have to surpass the privileging of the
traditional wage worker." p202

SHOULD I END WITH SEVERAL CONCLUSIONS ECHOING THE ONES THIS DUDE EXPRESSES??

Some stuff by Hyman

http://socserv2.mcmaster.ca/soc/courses/soc4s3/theory/hyman.htm

http://www.labournet.de/diskussion/gewerkschaft/hyman.html


http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/inst/project/network/hyman.htm

http://www.antenna.nl/~waterman/hyman2.html

Striking Back Against Empire: Autonomist Professor Verity Burgmann

Verity Burgman Striking Back Against Empire: Autonomist Professor Refereed paper presented to the Australasian Political Studies Association Conference University of Adelaide 29 September – 1 October 2004

Autonomist marxism offers a way of looking at the world outside a dominant academic paradigm which emphasises the shaping force of capital, instead autonomist marxism emphasises the creative force of labour.

The working class, according to Antonio Negri, is a ‘dynamic subject, an antagonistic force tending toward its own independent identity’ (Negri 1988, 209).


"Far from being a passive object of capitalist designs, the worker is in fact the active subject
of production, the wellspring of the skills, innovation, and cooperation on which capital
depends . . . Labor is for capital always a problematic ‘other’ that must constantly be
controlled and subdued, and that, as persistently, circumvents or challenges this
command. Rather than being organized by capital, workers struggle against it (Dyer-
Witheford 1999, 65)."

a post war labour movement had regulated and restrained the ability of capitalism to extract profit, since the late 1970s neo-liberal restructuruing had circumnavigated and subdued this tendency. the language of neo-liberalism conceals the class struggle beneath it with talk of "market imperfections" and externalities

the autonomist marxist tradition as being able to challenge the forces of globalisation as it recognises the core area shaped by it, the social democratic and traditional marxist traditions expressed in the third way as accepting the boredom of it all.

"For example, a powerful weapon for capital in its globalization project has been its actual or threatened locational freedom, used to good corporate effect against both governments and workforces. Other policies associated with globalization—such as privatization, decreased public sector spending and antiunion industrial relations legislation— weaken workers’ power and rights in myriad ways. These developments are part of the explanation for declining levels of union membership—until very recently (Robinson 2001; Frege & Kelly 2003, 16; Heery et al
2003, 79; Leisink 1999, 19). As Richard Hyman observed in 1999, for over a decade academic writers had reflected upon ‘a crisis of trade unionism’ (Hyman 1999, 98). Economy and society have been deliberately restructured in ways detrimental to employee interests." pp 2-3

globalisation has forced workers to respond in ways traditionally not analysed by industrial relations studies or formal class organisations

Labour revitalisation studies focusses on unions acting with a political subjectivity that extend beyond corporate bargaining practices (Baccaro et al 2003, 127).

the ideas that summon up the spectre of empire also allow us to envisage a counter empire, the multitude

‘The organization of the multitude as political subject, as posse, thus begins to appear on the world scene’ (Hardt and Negri 2000, 411).

mention how you want to use this thesis to futher understand how social movement actvists form a core part of this potential new dynamic subject in the context of labour in globalisation, as trade unions have throughout their history often relied on the support of radicalised minorities in their recruitment drives and solidarity campaigns, especially at the international level.

(Frege & Kelly 2003, 20) look at the enhanced efforts at recruitment at a global level.

as a whole this paper explores the worth of autonomist marxist thought through the questions of
labour transnationalism v. capital mobility
social-movement unionism v. workforce fragmentation
community unionism v. marketisation
the cybertariat v. corporate control of new technology
anti-capitalism v. corporate summits.

"A climate of labour-force vulnerability encourages self-policing of wage demands (Leisink 1999, 16). As Leo Panitch puts it: ‘the very purpose of globalization, from the perspective of business and the capitalist state, has been to bring about competition among workers … at a higher level’ (2001, 376)."

despite the mobility of capital new forms of organisation enable footloose capitalism to be chased around the globe to answer to its responsibilities

Lee 1996, Hymann 1999, Waterman 1998 all describe how the informatisation of capitalism allows a sharing of solidarity through the networks it has created..

Moody 1997, 249-275 does the rank and file aspect of this internationalism

COMMUNITY UNIONISATION VERSUS MARKETISATION

The French movement of 1995 received overwhelming support, according to Pierre Bourdieu, because it was seen as a necessary defence of the social advances of the whole society, concerning work, public education, public transport—everything which is public: ‘In a rough and confused form it outlined a genuine project for a society, collectively affirmed and capable of being put forward against what is being imposed by the dominant politics’ (Bourdieu 1998, 52–53).

A classic of the literature on this topic is Jeremy Brecher and Tim Costello’s 1990
edited collection, Building Bridges: The Emerging Grassroots Coalition of Labor and
Community (Nissen 2004, 68).

''The autonomist Marxist notion of ‘cycles of struggle’ is helpful for interpreting the current moment (Negri 1988; 1989). The process of Verity Burgmann: Striking Back Against Empire composition, then decomposition, then recomposition of the working class constitutes a cycle of struggle. Within the working class, occupational groupings come and go; and the locus of struggle goes with groupings whose time has come rather than passed. This concept is important because it permits recognition that from one cycle to another the leading role of certain sectors of labour may decline, become archaic and be surpassed, without equating such changes with the
disappearance of class conflict; for each capitalist restructuring must recruit new and different types of labour, and thus yield the possibility of working-class recomposition, involving different strata of workers with fresh capacities of resistance and counter-initiative (Dyer-Witheford 1999, 66, 71).'' pp 10-11

In her study of IT workers around the globe, Ursula Huws concludes that ‘a new cybertariat is in the making’, but ‘whether it will perceive itself as such is another matter’ (Huws 2001, 20).

As Hardt and Negri suggest, the creative forces of the multitude that sustain global capitalism are also capable of autonomously constructing ‘an alternative political organization of global flows and exchanges’ (Hardt and Negri 2000, xv).

‘in more sporadic and anarchic forms, such as the writing of viruses or other forms of sabotage’ (Huws 2001, 20).

''The meaning of class is expanded somewhat to incorporate a wider framework of dispossession, but class is the structural principle allowing commonalities to be recognised and acted upon by the components of the movement (see Starr 2000, 164).''

Frege, C. M. and J. Kelly. 2003. ‘Union Revitalization Stategies in Comparative
Perspective.’ European Journal of Industrial Relations 9 (1):7-24.

Barnes, T. 2001. ‘The Geeks Fight Back: Class Struggle in the Information Technology
Industry.’ In Work. Organisation. Struggle. Papers from the Seventh National Labour
History Conference, ed. P. Griffiths and R. Webb. ANU, Canberra: ASSLH Canberra
Branch, 34–42.

Baccaro, L, K. Hamman and T. Lowell. 2003. ‘The Politics of Labour Movement
Revitalization: The Need for a Revitalized Perspective.’ European Journal of
Industrial Relations 9 (1):119-133.

Bourdieu, P. 1998. Acts of Resistance. Against the New Myths of Our Time (trans.
Richard Nice). Cambridge: Polity Press.

Greenfield, G. 1998. ‘The ICFTU and the Politics of Compromise.’ In Rising From the
Ashes? Labor in the Age of “Global” Capitalism, ed. E. M. Wood, P. Meiksins and M.
Yates. New York: Monthly Review Press, 180–89.

Hurd, R., R. Milkman and L. Turner. 2003. ‘Reviving the American Labour
Movement: Institutions and Mobilization.’ European Journal of Industrial Relations 9
(1): 99-118.

Kelley, R. D. G. 1997. ‘The New Urban Working Class.’ New Labor Forum 1 (1).
Kotz, D. M. and M. H. Wolfson. 2004. ‘Déjà Vu All Over Again: The “New” Economy
in Historical Perspective.’ Labor Studies Journal 28 (4):25-44.

Rising From the Ashes? Labor in the Age of “Global” Capitalism


Negri, A. 1988. Revolution Retrieved: Selected Writings on Marx, Keynes, Capitalist Crisis and New Social Subjects. London: Red Notes.

The Decline of Collectivism? A Comparative Study of White-Collar Employees in Britain and Australia Stephen Deery & Janet Walsh

Stephen Deery & Janet Walsh The Decline of Collectivism? A Comparative Study of White-Collar Employees in Britain and Australia British Journal of Industrial Relations Volume 37 Page 245 - June 1999

Some Observations on the Anti-Globalisation Movement Frederick H. Buttel; Australian Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 38, 2003

Frederick H. Buttel; Some Observations on the Anti-Globalisation Movement Australian Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 38, 2003

http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&se=gglsc&d=5001905897

"Some observers, in discussing the distinctive culture of the movement, refer to it as having a strong dose of "Generation X," referring to the contemporary young culture. In general, movement participants tend to be young and well educated--or, in other words, to have a social structural profile similar to that of the "new class," the presumed base of support of so-called new social movements (Scott 1990).

must read for the idea of the new social movements being based on a new class is Scott, A. (1990) Ideology and the New Social Movements. London: Routledge. GEN 322.4/SCO

also The new politics of class : social movements and cultural dynamics in advanced societies

Caroline Kelly "Who Gets Involved in Collective Action?: Social Psychological Determinants of Individual Participation in Trade Unions"

Caroline Kelly "Who Gets Involved in Collective Action?: Social Psychological Determinants of Individual Participation in Trade Unions" Human Relations, Vol. 47, No. 1, 63-88 (1994) contains a weighty over view of social identifaction theory.

Strongest correlations between those active in unions was a strong sense of group idendifaction, a stereotypical view of the management outgroup

union commitment has some affintity of social identity (Tajfel and Turner, 1986), an approach based around the individuals awareness that they belong to a certain social group which together with the evaluative and emotional significance of that membership, this is achived in comparison with other social outgroups.

Survey distinguishes between two different types of trade union activity, the annonymous voting and the more visible participation in speaking at a union meeting or holding office p77

group activist would appear to be one strongly fitted to the "us and them" mentalisty p78

Risk, Society and Social Theory. Elaine Draper, Contemporary Social Theory, Vol. 22, No 5 (Sep, 1993), pp 641 - 644.

In the risk society Beck argues that we have reached an advanced stage of modernity that "is freeing itself from the contours of the classical industrial society and forging a new form - the (industrial) "risk society" p9 in Becks Risk Society.

Becks idea that we live in an age of global endagerment where not only the proletariat is faced with risk, but mangerial and commerical classes equally are due to the threat of enviromental disaster etc. Enviromental struggles also have a class edge, as enviromental racist assesments show. Class society also carries a level of endangerment for those within its upper echelons, in the invisible injuries of class.

in the context of the workplace Becks postulates a post fordist conception of employment.

The Individualisation of Class Struggle Paul Bagguley

"Rather than class based collective action being in decline, it is argued that its repertoire of contention has changed, both in terms of its form and content. People pursue their economistic class interests in an individualised manner, but they are dependent on collective actors such as unions in pursuit of these interests."

"Individuals have conflicts with their employers around their economic rights as employees, and their economic rights as members of status groups such as gender, disability and ethnicity. However, these struggles often require and make use of collectivised resources – the trade union. Where they do not, they make use of other sources of support such as Citizen’s Advice Bureaux (Abbott, 1998; Towers, 1997: 236). "

"These detraditionalizations happen in a social surge of individualization. At the same time the relations of inequality remain stable… Against the background of a comparatively high material standard of living and advanced social security systems, the people have been removed from class commitments and have to refer to themselves in planning their individual labour market biographies. (Beck, 1992: 87) "

The jurifidication of work place issues in unfair dismissal tribunals etc As the decline of collective expressions of class difference can be taken as an easy shorthand to illustrate the fall of the clas narrative by the end of class theorists, the use of other data such as sick days when contextualised within the framework of stress as an injury of class, or cases to tribunals for unfair dismissal etc illustrate otherwise.

A quote that would accurately sum up the Joanne Delaney situation is "… even some forms of defiance which appear to be individual acts … may have a collective dimension, for those who engage in these acts may consider themselves to be part of a larger movement. Such apparently atomized acts of defiance can be considered movement events when those involved perceive themselves to be acting as members of a group, and when they share a common set of protest beliefs. (Piven and Cloward, 1979: 4) "

Non payment campaigns are individuated yet collectivised.

"Whereas, in the traditional moral economy people defended traditional rights and customs (Thompson 1993: 188), in the modern moral economy they defend their legal rights as citizens. This is based on modern ideas of social norms and the obligations that employers have towards their employees. Unfair practices by employers offend modern sensibilities of fairness and morality. Thompson saw the traditional moral economy as approving direct action by the crowd to seek redress (Thompson 1993: 212), however, the modern moral economy encourages individual action through institutionalised legal channels albeit often with collective support both formal and informal. Thompson saw that the food riot required little organisation and was an ‘inherited pattern of action’ (Thompson 1993: 238). However, this modern moral economy requires ‘expertise’ and specialised knowledge, as a pattern of action has to be learnt, and this learning has partly led to the widespread recourse to these institutionalised and juridified forms of redress."

traditional moral economy particular and localised, modern moral economy universalised and institutionalised in state institutions just as they represented the institutionalisation of the mob..

Gallie, D. (1996) ‘Trade Union Allegiance and Decline in British Urban Labour Markets’, in Gallie et. al. (eds) Trade Unionism in Recession, Oxford, Oxford University Press.

Waddington, J. and Whitson, C. (1997) ‘Why Do People Join Unions in a Period of Membership Decline?’ British Journal of Industrial Relations, 35, 4: 515-46.